By John Little
Since colonization, Canadians and american citizens have seen spiritual issues in a different way. whereas this isn't excellent given modern Canadians' reluctance to include U.S.-style social conservativism, the roots of the phenomenon are seldom tested. J.I. Little seeks to right this oversight with Borderland Religion.
Focusing at the payment interval of the japanese Townships area of Quebec, Little addresses the position performed via faith in forging a particular nationwide identification for English-Canadians. whereas radical evangelical church buildings and sects constructed within the hill kingdom of recent England, they didn't achieve a powerful foothold within the neighbouring jap Townships regardless of nearly all of the inhabitants there being of yankee beginning. really, the British-based Church of britain and Wesleyan Methodist Society turned a lot the most important denominations during this border region.
Borderland Religion is successfully a borderlands examine in opposite. instead of studying the dynamics of touch among specified cultures in a typical geographical house, or heart flooring, it explores how a typical tradition grew to become differentiated on both sides of a world boundary line. within the technique, it additionally illuminates the woefully missed background of Protestantism in Quebec.
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Extra resources for Borderland Religion: The Emergence of an English-Canadian Identity, 1792-1852
With over half their membership in Ship ton, Barnston, Hatley, Ascot, and Compton, the Universalists tended to be concentrated in areas of early American settlement which were not centres of consistent Methodist proselytism. Sharing a similar theology to the Universalists, there were also 261 Unitarians in the region, nearly all of whom were in Stanstead Township. Whereas the Universalists preached universal salvation, the followers of William Miller believed that only they would be saved on Judgment Day.
On the other hand, a close examination of religion columns for Eaton and Compton suggests that there were more free-thinkers in the region than indicated by the printed census. In Eaton forty-nine people in eleven farm households simply were identified as 'nothing' under the religion category, and one wag reported himself and his family to be Epicureans. 32 While the non-Catholic population increased by little more than a third (by 18,693) between 1831 and 1852, the Methodists quadrupled in numbers (by 10,181), the Anglicans nearly doubled (by 7,286), the Congregationalists and Presbyterians (not including the Church of Scotland) increased eight-fold (by 7,638), and the Baptists by slightly less than half (by 869).
Reflecting the deeply ingrained Scots' appetite for large land holdings, the average farm sizes of the eighty members of the Church of Scotland were significantly higher than those of the other groups (mixed households excepted), but their improved acreages were smaller than for all but the Catholics, again due to their relatively recent arrival in the region. The Church of Scotland settlers did harvest more wheat and potatoes than the norm, but they had far fewer cattle and sheep, and very few horses.