By James Ramon Felak
Slovak nationalist sentiment has been a continuing presence within the background of Czechoslovakia, coming to go within the torrent of nationalism that led to the dissolution of the Republic on January 1, 1993. James Felak examines a parallel episode within the Nineteen Thirties with Slovak nationalists completed autonomy for Slovakia-but “at the associated fee” of the lack of East significant Europe's simply parliamentary democracy and the strengthening of Nazi energy. The tensions among Czechs and Slovaks date again to the production of Czechoslovakia in 1918. Slovaks, who differed sharply in political culture, social and monetary improvement, and tradition, and resented being ruled via a centralized management run from the Czech capital of Prague, shaped the Slovak People's celebration, led by means of Roman Catholic priest Ankrej Hlinka. Drawing seriously on Czech and Slovak records, Felak offers a balanced background of the occasion, delivering unparalleled perception into intraparty factionalism and behind-the-scenes maneuvering surrounding SSP's coverage judgements.
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Additional info for At the Price of the Republic Hlinka's Slovak People's Party 1929-1938
Not only did they 30 Traditional Identities 31 encounter practical problems, the entire conceptual basis seemed inadequate. In their investigations, the Russian scholars met with a variety of group designations, many of which refused to comply with the scholars’ conceptual framework. This was particularly the case with the designations ‘‘Sart’’, ‘‘Tajik’’ and ‘‘Uzbek’’. The designations crossed expected boundaries, particularly linguistic ones. Moreover, they involved boundaries that, according to the orientalists, were not relevant or decisive for what was to be considered a ‘‘nation’’ or a ‘‘people’’.
Attempts to differentiate between ‘‘Uzbek’’, ‘‘Sart’’ and ‘‘Tajik’’ from each other involved linguistic practice and socioeconomic categories as well as social organization. 8 Khoroshin’s text effectively demonstrates the problems involved in distinguishing between various ‘‘peoples’’. On the one hand, Khoroshin claims that linguistic criteria are decisive for membership in the various groups, saying that Tajiks are Iranian-speaking, Sarts are linguistically Turkicized Tajiks, and that Uzbeks are uniformly Turkic-speaking.
23 Among the nomads, religion was less institutionalized, and there were no Ulama of the same influence and authority as among the sedentary population. Instead, notions of holy descent (which, as mentioned, were important among the settled population too) were more prominent as a basis for authority, as was the case among the Turkmen, and the o¨vlat, or ‘‘holy tribes’’. 24 Their authority found expression in a variety of ways. Irrespective of age, which is otherwise traditionally a source of authority in Central Asian society, o¨vlat members would be addressed by non-o¨vlats in a way that reflected the authority invested in the o¨vlats.